{"id":3437,"date":"2025-07-06T10:38:45","date_gmt":"2025-07-06T08:38:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/?p=3437"},"modified":"2025-07-06T10:37:09","modified_gmt":"2025-07-06T08:37:09","slug":"sell-outs-mozambique","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/en\/sell-outs-mozambique\/","title":{"rendered":"Sell Outs | Mozambique"},"content":{"rendered":"
By Estacio Valoi<\/div>\n
Investigations<\/a><\/div>\n

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Government Captured by Lobbyists<\/strong><\/p>\n

While many reports expose how multinationals have acquired natural wealth cheaply, polluted communities, and exploited workers, the role of powerful African political elites in enabling these practices has received far less attention. Mozambique\u2019s chapter of ZAM\u2019s new transnational investigation into Africa\u2019s Sell-Outs portrays a bizarre network of business lobbyists operating within both the government and the ruling party.<\/span><\/p>\n

At lunch in Maputo, my source\u2014neatly dressed in a blue suit, tall, with a somewhat square head and a crew cut, and who calls himself a \u2018lobbyist\u2019\u2014insists there be no recording and no mention of his name. He will only explain how one becomes a lobbyist for the many business deals struck between Mozambique\u2019s political elite and the predominantly natural resource-extracting foreign companies operating here. Though not a businessman himself, he is a member of the CTA, the Mozambican Confederation of Business Associations.<\/p>\n

The mission of the CTA is to contribute to the social and economic development of Mozambique, but my source speaks of other matters. \u201cLobbyism is a job,\u201d he says. \u201cYou work with various organisations, both local and foreign, as a facilitator. Your base can be a business, a government institution, a bank, or an investment agency. You do the deals by engaging with the leaders of all these entities.\u201d\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>The people one does \u201cdeals\u201d with, he explains, include Mozambique\u2019s successive presidents\u2014\u201cbecause they are also involved in promoting business in order to satisfy their own interests.\u201d<\/p>\n

The Upper Echelon<\/h3>\n

With a \u201cgood name regarding confidentiality,\u201d he adds, \u201cyou can then make it to the highest circles.\u201d He moves in all these circles at occasions such as bilateral meetings, conferences, business forums, and trade fairs. \u201cYou get to know the banks, private and public companies, cooperation partners, multinationals. But most important is maintaining close relations with the government of the day. That\u2019s where you secure support for incentives, tax and regulatory benefits, and (exploration) licenses.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cThey were signing contracts behind our backs\u201d<\/h2>\n

My second meeting in the world of business networking in Mozambique is a man, also a member of the CTA, who participated in the Africa-China conference in Beijing in 2024. \u201cWe had a delegation of around 30 businesspeople from Mozambique. But there were others in the delegation who were not known as having businesses. We did not know them. When we left the meeting, we found out that they signed contracts. We later discovered that these people were representing directors, ministers and others.\u201d<\/p>\n

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The China-Africa conference in Beijing, 2024.\u00a0<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

In contrast to the first lobbyist, my second source is a bona fide businessman who is disillusioned with the prevailing culture of backroom deals. \u201cWhat is the point of running a legitimate company in sectors like gas, oil, mining, fishing, or timber processing in Mozambique,\u201d he asks, \u201cif others are simply signing contracts behind our backs?\u201d<\/p>\n

Former Combatants<\/h3>\n

It is within the upper echelons of the ruling Frelimo party, its affiliated CTA, and Frelimo\u2019s own leadership that one encounters such \u201cothers.\u201d Particularly favoured in this political universe is the National Committee of the Association of Veterans of the National Liberation Struggle (ACLLN), especially its top-ranking generals and their families\u2014figures who trace their lineage to the anti-colonial struggle against Portuguese rule before Mozambique\u2019s independence in 1975. Multiple investigations since 2013 have revealed that groups of so-called ‘former combatants’ hold licenses for natural resource extraction:\u00a0first by\u00a0Africa Confidential<\/span><\/a>\u00a0and later by others,\u00a0including\u00a0ZAM<\/span><\/a>.<\/p>\n

Among them are octogenarian General Chipande, involved in gas exploration, timber logging, and fishing; General Pachinuapa, linked to the ruby trade; the family of the late regional politician Luis Nantimbo\u2014associated with the ACLLN and active in the gemstone sector; and the family of the late Fernando Faustino, former ACLLN general secretary and husband of Carmelite Namaswula, the former Minister of Education and current Speaker of Parliament. When Faustino died in November 2024, Mozambican media obituaries highlighted his role as a prominent mining lobbyist and license holder through his company, Companhia Mo\u00e7ambicana de Hidrocarbonetos, a subsidiary of the South African firm SASOL.<\/p>\n

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Screenshot from Fala Mo\u00e7ambique, reportage about\u00a0a reunion of former combatants\u00a0<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Examples of prominent non-military Frelimo leaders in business include former Agriculture Minister Jos\u00e9 Pacheco,\u00a0former Maputo Mayor David Simango<\/a>, and the family of\u00a0former President Filipe Nyusi<\/a>. Beyond Nyusi\u2019s brother, Jacinto Cosme Nyusi, who holds mining interests, his son Florindo reportedly combines fishing licenses with timber trade.<\/p>\n

The local authorities are linked to the shareholders<\/h2>\n

The extractive activities carried out by politically exposed persons, such as those mentioned above, often yield little benefit for the communities where they occur. In mineral-rich regions like Nampula and Cabo Delgado, local populations have frequently endured forced removals, environmental pollution, and unfulfilled promises of prosperity (see inter alia\u00a0<\/a>here<\/a>)<\/span>.<\/p>\n

A significant challenge arises when politically exposed persons serve as local partners of foreign extractive companies within communities, as these individuals are often closely connected to local authorities\u2014both aligned with the same ruling party. In such contexts, even tax regulations requiring extractive companies to allocate ten percent of all royalties paid to the areas where they operate have\u00a0yielded little tangible benefit locally in Cabo Delgado<\/a>.<\/p>\n

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Suspicion in the Tax Room<\/h3>\n

At a tax workshop held in Pemba, Cabo Delgado, in February 2025, local participants demanded that all mining taxes and royalties from joint ventures between foreign multinationals and local partners be paid within the province and spent in consultation with local communities. They expressed support for the political platform of opposition candidate Venancio Mondlane, who had advocated this very point in the recent elections.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>Attendees also voiced deep mistrust of \u201cMaputo deals,\u201d referring to tax payments by extractive companies made in Mozambique\u2019s capital. \u201cThose in Maputo do not have control over the company\u2019s operations on the ground, and not all activities are declared,\u201d one participant explained. Another added that he suspected tax officials frequently turn a blind eye to companies that evade declarations or payments. \u201cSome people within the tax authority end up receiving extra payments from these taxes,\u201d he said. \u201cThere is a network facilitating such schemes.\u201d\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>However, Anibal Mbalango, a tax authority official and workshop organiser, rejected these suggestions, expressing strong doubts that local tax payments could be effectively managed outside of Maputo. A few months later, Mbalango was appointed as the new national director of Mozambique\u2019s tax authority.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Post-Election Chaos<\/h3>\n

\u201cFormer President Filipe Nyusi seeks to maintain his ties to the oil and gas sector, but newly elected Daniel Chapo is equally determined to amass wealth. He hurried from Maputo to meet with mining business owners, who were eager to identify their new patron, according to a source close to Frelimo\u2019s top leadership and \u2018the generals.\u2019\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>Speaking from Wimbe Beach in Pemba, Cabo Delgado, the source has recently been accompanying a delegation from Maputo visiting the province to inspect mining projects.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>This visit comes just months after the final election results\u2014widely regarded as fraudulent by a populace that overwhelmingly voted for opposition candidate Venancio Mondlane\u00a0in elections marred by ruling party violence and even murder<\/a>\u2014were confirmed by the Constitutional Council. Frelimo has once again secured government control.<\/p>\n

Even with the same party once again in power, the source describes a frantic power struggle within the political elite, where new faces have emerged. The new and old guard of Frelimo are now locked in a battle to maintain, transfer, or reclaim the party\u2019s natural resource connections. \u2018It is a mess,\u2019 the source admits.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>Regarding the new president Chapo\u2019s invitation to the mining companies to meet him in Cabo Delgado, he explains that Chapo compiled a \u2018guest list of companies that should be present.\u2019 The Ministry of Mineral Resources and Energy (MIREME) was tasked with vigorously inviting representatives from these multinationals. Officials went door to door to secure their attendance and even arranged an additional flight to transport them from Maputo to Cabo Delgado, with a return trip scheduled for the same day.\u201d (1)<\/p>\n

The invitation, I am told, followed a meeting that Chapo held shortly after his election in February this year with ExxonMobil, the gas-extracting giant operating in Cabo Delgado. Subsequently, Dan Amman, Mozambican head of ExxonMobil, reaffirmed the\u00a0company\u2019s commitment to the gas project in the region<\/a>. He added that it had been \u201ca pleasure\u201d to meet Chapo.<\/p>\n

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Medicines from the President<\/h3>\n

\u201cIn 2022\u20132023, during intense fighting with insurgents in Cabo Delgado, we faced severe shortages of medicines and equipment,\u201d says a source within the provincial health department. \u201cAfter multiple attempts, we were told nothing could be done to import the materials because (then Minister) Armindo Tiago \u2018did not have the power.\u2019 All approvals had to come through the then President of Mozambique, Filipe Jacinto Nyusi, and his allies. We had to find someone connected to that network. Once we did, we held several meetings in Pemba with that individual. Then we met a general who promised to speak to Nyusi. Two more weeks passed before the general reported he was \u2018putting pressure\u2019 on Nyusi. Of course, we understood this meant money. I don\u2019t know what else to say.\u201d The sources confirm they eventually received the medicines.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Change in the Air<\/h3>\n

In the first half of 2025, the Mozambican Confederation of Business Associations (CTA) was engulfed in internal strife between its president, Agostinho Vuma, and his deputy, \u00c1lvaro Massinga. Both influential figures within the ruling party Frelimo, the conflict began when Vuma accused Massinga of vote buying, triggering a fraud lawsuit. Despite this, Massinga was not expelled from the CTA and went on to win the organisation\u2019s elections, campaigning on a platform of \u201cchange, democracy, and transparency.\u201d<\/p>\n

Some CTA members later reported sensing that changes might be underway within the organisation. This perception was less about Massinga himself and more a result of the growing support for the young candidate Lineu Candieiro. Even though Candieiro did not ultimately secure the leadership, his backing was widely seen as a source of hope. \u201cLineu is, in fact, a businessman and does not come from the Vuma or Massinga factions,\u201d remarked one of his supporters. According to Mozambican MP Antonio Muchanga, who raised questions about the CTA\u2019s internal conflicts in parliament, the new chair, Massinga, had been \u201ca victim\u201d of Vuma, who allegedly sought to remove him to \u201cprotect his own interests.\u201d The court case against Massinga has yet to advance.<\/p>\n

The former conservation director is \u201cdesperate\u201d<\/h2>\n

In a similar case of a victim turned victor, Mozambique\u2019s forestry director, Imede Falume\u2014previously suspended over allegations of illegal timber logging and collusion with extractive timber businesses\u2014has been reinstated. In an interview with ZAM, Falume dismissed the accusations as a \u201cplot against him\u201d and remarked on the \u201cinteresting\u201d timing of Claudio Afonso\u2019s reported dismissal. Afonso, the former director of the National Conservation Agency (ANAC), was reportedly fired without the customary reassignment to another state position. Last November, ZAM\u2019s\u00a0Into the Woods<\/i>\u00a0investigation exposed a network of timber traders responsible for\u00a0devastating Mozambique\u2019s national parks<\/a> and revealed their connections to ANAC. Shortly thereafter, Claudio Afonso was summarily removed from his post.<\/p>\n

Questions sent to ANAC to verify Afonso\u2019s dismissal went unanswered. However, a source told ZAM that Afonso \u201chas been trying to get his job back, or another position within the environment ministry. He has been calling the office of the new environment minister, Roberto Albino, but nothing is working. The man is desperate.\u201d<\/p>\n

Some sources expressed the view that the turmoil within the CTA and the forestry department signals a need for the ruling party to demonstrate its commitment to combating corruption. Under pressure from anti-corruption opposition candidate Venancio Mondlane, new President Daniel Chapo has made several pledges to this effect in interviews. However, his recent direct engagement with mining investors has cast renewed doubt on these assurances.<\/p>\n

The Outrage Genie<\/h3>\n

Public outrage dating back to last year\u2019s elections in Mozambique may have unleashed a genie that will be difficult to put back in the bottle. In May, employees of Qurimbas National Park sent an open letter to the newly elected president, Chapo, demanding an end to\u00a0the rampant timber plunder in their park<\/a>. Furthermore, one of the central points in Venancio Mondlane\u2019s corruption allegations against Frelimo\u2014the opaque renewal of the concession contract between the South African and Mozambican state road companies, scheduled for 28 February 2028\u2014remains a contentious issue in Mozambique. This controversy largely stems from widespread public distrust of the National Roads Agency (ANE) and the seven companies it partners with, including former president Chissano\u2019s holding company, SPI.<\/p>\n

Other factors include the notorious lack of transparency surrounding the freeway project\u2019s paperwork and the fact that ANE charges tolls\u2014fueling widespread fears that this is yet another avenue for politicians to enrich themselves. A nationwide toll boycott, initiated in December 2024 by then-opposition presidential candidate Ven\u00e2ncio Mondlane, remained in effect until June 2025, when the government announced it would resume toll collection at a \u201creduced rate.\u201d<\/p>\n

Notes<\/i><\/p>\n

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  1. Moz24h, a website managed by the author of this story, Estacio Valoi, published invitation emails\u00a0allegedly sent by the Ministry of Mining<\/a>.<\/i><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    Requests for comment were sent to the office of former President Nyusi, the Military Veterans Association (ACLLN), and Frelimo. No responses were received.<\/i><\/p>\n

    See the first instalments in this Transnational Investigation here
    \n<\/em>Sell Outs |\u00a0    The patrons who make the deals about their countries<\/a>
    \n<\/b>Zambia |\u00a0    A corrupt political class
    \n<\/a><\/b>Zimbabwe |\u00a0    All the president\u2019s minerals<\/a><\/b><\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    By Estacio Valoi Investigations 04 July 2025 Government Captured by Lobbyists While many reports expose how multinationals have acquired natural wealth cheaply, polluted communities, and exploited workers, the role of powerful African political elites in enabling these practices has received far less attention. Mozambique\u2019s chapter of ZAM\u2019s new transnational investigation into Africa\u2019s Sell-Outs portrays a […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":3438,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"rttpg_featured_image_url":{"full":["https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Sell_Outs_2025.png",1920,1440,false],"landscape":["https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Sell_Outs_2025.png",1920,1440,false],"portraits":["https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Sell_Outs_2025.png",1920,1440,false],"thumbnail":["https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Sell_Outs_2025-250x188.png",150,113,true],"medium":["https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Sell_Outs_2025-400x300.png",300,225,true],"large":["https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Sell_Outs_2025-650x488.png",650,488,true],"1536x1536":["https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Sell_Outs_2025-1536x1152.png",1536,1152,true],"2048x2048":["https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Sell_Outs_2025.png",1920,1440,false],"trp-custom-language-flag":["https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Sell_Outs_2025-16x12.png",16,12,true],"post-thumbnail":["https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Sell_Outs_2025-150x113.png",150,113,true],"retina2x":["https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Sell_Outs_2025-800x600.png",800,600,true],"retina3x":["https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Sell_Outs_2025-1200x900.png",1200,900,true],"retina4x":["https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Sell_Outs_2025-1600x1200.png",1600,1200,true],"retina5x":["https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Sell_Outs_2025.png",1920,1440,false],"retina6x":["https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Sell_Outs_2025.png",1920,1440,false]},"rttpg_author":{"display_name":"Reda\u00e7\u00e3o CJIMOZ","author_link":"https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/en\/author\/hcuambe\/"},"rttpg_comment":0,"rttpg_category":"Crime Organizado<\/a>","rttpg_excerpt":"By Estacio Valoi Investigations 04 July 2025 Government Captured by Lobbyists While many reports expose how multinationals have acquired natural wealth cheaply, polluted communities, and exploited workers, the role of powerful African political elites in enabling these practices has received far less attention. Mozambique\u2019s chapter of ZAM\u2019s new transnational investigation into Africa\u2019s Sell-Outs portrays a…","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3437"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3437"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3437\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":3439,"href":"https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3437\/revisions\/3439"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/3438"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3437"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3437"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cjimoz.org.mz\/news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3437"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}